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In Canada, translation has been conceptualized within multi-layered and interwoven historical and political processes of nation building. One strand of these processes is the country's language policy, known as "official bilingualism". This national construct is so entrenched that the Federal government has not perceived a need to pair Canada's language laws with any legislation on translation. Despite this void, or perhaps because of it, the professional translation market first emerged as a corollary of official bilingualism, and it remains inflected by its a priori, which have also driven the design of university translator training programs. In giving English and French preferred status over all other "minority" languages that once were (i.e. Indigenous languages) and/or might become (i.e. Ukrainian, Spanish, Chinese, Arabic, Urdu, etc.) vehicular languages in certain regions or cities, public policy, which includes content and funding of university programs, has also restricted translator training to "official languages". This paper presents some preliminary data from a project aimed at proposing models for "post-bilingual" language and translation policies. More precisely, it focuses on one of Canada's most linguistically heterogeneous spaces–Toronto–and its multilingual translation policy. Drawing on González Núñez' adaptation of Spolsky's language planning model, I argue in favour of a new set of language and translation policies that countenance disparate and, at times, contradictory linguistic realities across and within Canada's post-bilingual zones, foregrounding elements that might inform evidence-based policies. Also informed by language rights research (e.g. De Schutter), this paper also serves as a preliminary discussion of language and translation policies that might be the springboard for new models of translator training that would ensure equal access to translation services for speakers of minority languages. ; En Canadá, la conceptualización de la traducción ha estado imbricada en complejos procesos históricos y políticos de construcción de la nación. Una de las vertientes de estos procesos es la política lingüística, conocida en Canadá como el "bilingüismo oficial". Este modelo nacional se ha arraigado a tal punto que el gobierno federal canadiense no ha percibido la necesidad de acompañar las leyes lingüísticas del país con legislación relativa a la traducción. A pesar de este vacío, o quizás incluso a causa del mismo, el mercado de la traducción profesional surgió inicialmente como un corolario del bilingüismo oficial, y sigue estando bajo la influencia de esta relación de origen, la cual ha también orientado el diseño curricular de los programas de formación universitarios. Al otorgarle al francés y al inglés un estatus preferencial con respecto a otras lenguas "minoritarias", algunas de las cuales eran lenguas vehiculares en ciertas regiones o ciudades (tales como las lenguas Indígenas) y otras que podrían serlo (tales como el ucraniano, el español, el chino, el árabe, el urdu, etc.) la política pública, que contempla el contenido y la financiación de los programas universitarios, también ha restringido la formación de traductoras y traductores a las "lenguas oficiales". Este trabajo presenta datos preliminares de un proyecto cuyo objetivo es el de proponer modelos de políticas lingüísticas y de traducción "postbilingües". Específicamente, se centra en Toronto, uno de los espacios canadienses de mayor heterogeneidad lingüística, y en su política de traducción multilíngüe. Con base en la adaptación del modelo de planeación lingüística de Spolsky que realizó González Núñez, el artículo presenta un argumento en favor de políticas lingüísticas y de traducción nuevas que respondan a las realidades lingüísticas marcadamente distintas y en ocasiones incluso contradictorias que se encuentran a lo largo de las zonas postbilingües de Canadá. La propuesta resalta elementos para una política basada en datos empíricos. El artículo parte también de investigaciones sobre derechos linguísticos (tal como el de De Schutter) y busca, desde este punto de vista, servir de base para una discusión preliminar para la creación de políticas lingüísticas y de traducción que sirvan para generar nuevos modelos de formación de traductoras y traductores orientados hacia la igualdad de acceso a servicios de traducción para los hablantes de lenguas minoritarias. ; Au Canada, la traduction est née de processus de construction de la nation, qu'ils fussent historiques ou politiques, imbriqués et multi-couches. Un des volets de ces processus est la politique linguistique du pays, « le bilinguisime officiel ». Cette construction nationale est tellement enracinée que le gouvernement fédéral n'a aucunement ressenti le besoin de conjuguer aux lois linguistiques une législation de la traduction. Malgré ce vide, ou peut-être grâce à lui, le marché professionnel de la traduction est né en réponse au bilinguisme officiel et il reste influencé par ses a priori, qui ont, par là même, conditionné la conception des programmes universitaires de formation des traducteurs. En donnant à l'anglais et au français un statut privilégié par rapport à toutes les autres langues « minoritaires » existant autrefois (les langues autochtones) et/ou les langues véhiculaires (ukrainien, espagnol, chinois, arabe, urdu, etc.) de certaines régions ou villes, les politiques publiques, qui touchent le contenu et le financement des programmes universitaires, ont également restreint les formations en traduction aux « langues officielles ». Cet article présente les données préliminaires d'un projet dont le but est de proposer des modèles de politiques linguistiques post-bilingues et une politique de la traduction. Plus précisément, ce travail s'attache à un des espaces les plus hétérogènes au niveau linguistique au Canada, Toronto, et à sa politique de traduction multilingue. En s'appuyant sur l'adaptation que González Núñez fait du modèle d'aménagement linguistique de Spolsky, je propose un nouvel ensemble de politiques linguistiques et de la traduction qui inclut des réalités linguistiques disparates, et parfois contradictoires, dans les zones post-bilingues au Canada, mettant en avant des éléments qui pourraient façonner des politiques qui seraient fondées sur des informations factuelles. Cet article, également inspiré par la recherche en droits linguistiques (par ex. De Schutter), sert de discussion préliminaire au sujet de politiques linguistiques et de politiques de traduction qui pourraient servir de tremplin pour de nouveaux modèles de formation des traducteurs, lesquels garantiraient un accès égal aux services de traduction pour les locuteurs de langues minoritaires. ; No Canadá, a tradução sempre foi conceituada no seio de processos históricos e politicos multidimensionais e imbricados, ligados à construção da nação. Uma das vertentes destes processos é a política linguística, conhecida como "bilinguismo official". Este construto nacional é tão enraizado, que o Governo Federal não reconhece a necessidade de adequar as leis canadenses relacionadas às línguas com qualquer legislação sobre a tradução. Apesar dessa lacuna – ou, talvez, em decorrência dela – o mercado profissional de tradução surgiu inicialmente como um corolário do bilinguismo official e se mantém determinado por este a priori, o que também orientou a formulação de programas de treinamento de tradutoras nas universidades. Ao privilegiar o inglês e o francês em detrimento de outras línguas "minoritárias" que já foram (ex., línguas indígenas) e/ou podem se tornar (ex. ucraniano, espanhol, chinês, árabe, urdu, etc) veiculares em certas regiões ou cidades, as políticas públicas, que incluem o conteúdo curricular e o financiamento de programas de formação universitária, têm também restringido o treinamento de tradutoras às "línguas oficiais". Este trabalho apresenta dados preliminares de um projeto que propõe modelos para políticas linguísticas pós-bilíngues e relacionadas à tradução. De modo específico, focalizamos Toronto, um dos espaços mais heterogêneos linguisticamente, e sua política de tradução multilíngue. Com base na adaptação do modelo de planejamento linguístico de Spolsky, proposta por González Núñez, defendemos uma série de políticas linguísticas e de tradução para compor as realidades díspares e, não raro, contraditórias nas regiões pós-bilíngues do Canadá, ressaltando os elementos que poderão informar as políticas de base empírica. Com o respaldo de pesquisa no campo dos direitos linguísticos (ex. De Schutter), este trabalho também apresenta uma discussão preliminar sobre políticas linguísticas e de tradução que poderá impulsionar a elaboração de novos modelos de formação para tradutoras, que garantam às falantes de línguas minoritárias acesso igualitário aos serviços de tradução.

Many of Fishman's contributions to understanding language in society stress the importance of dynamics, drawing attention to the complex interplay of micro-, meso- and macro-level factors from which an integrated pattern emerges. Our understanding of language dynamics, therefore, should encompass processes unfolding at various levels and provide accounts that do justice to these interactions, while delivering an analysis broad enough to constitute a sensible basis for successful language policy. Such concerns, illustrated in particular by Fishman's work on reversing language shift, call for revisiting this issue by focusing on the role of translation. Translation is linked to language dynamics, and it is both a conduit of language policies and a condition for their success, but these interconnections need to be explicitly acknowledged. Whereas translation studies often approach translation itself as a self-contained process, it certainly emerges from multilingual contexts, but is also, at least in part, dependent on language policies. Translation contributes to the maintenance of linguistic diversity and societal multilingualism which are, reciprocally, dependent upon the practice of translation. This examination confirms the ongoing soundness of the fundamentals of Fishman's approach to "language-in-society" and helps to assess some recent criticism toward core notions of classical sociolinguistics that Fishman helped develop and disseminate, such as multilingualism, which is being called into question by current notions such as "English as a lingua franca" and "languaging". The very existence of translation as a social, economic and political practice suggests that societal multilingualism cannot satisfactorily be described without resorting to classical sociolinguistic concepts like "named" languages, mother tongue and domain, which are crucial to successful policies and, hence, to the maintenance of the linguistic human rights to which Fishman's work has made such essential contributions.

AbstractMany of Fishman's contributions to understanding language in society stress the importance of dynamics, drawing attention to the complex interplay of micro-, meso- and macro-level factors from which an integrated pattern emerges. Our understanding of language dynamics, therefore, should encompass processes unfolding at various levels and provide accounts that do justice to these interactions, while delivering an analysis broad enough to constitute a sensible basis for successful language policy. Such concerns, illustrated in particular by Fishman's work on reversing language shift, call for revisiting this issue by focusing on the role of translation. Translation is linked to language dynamics, and it is both a conduit of language policies and a condition for their success, but these interconnections need to be explicitly acknowledged. Whereas translation studies often approach translation itself as a self-contained process, it certainly emerges from multilingual contexts, but is also, at least in part, dependent on language policies. Translation contributes to the maintenance of linguistic diversity and societal multilingualism which are, reciprocally, dependent upon the practice of translation. This examination confirms the ongoing soundness of the fundamentals of Fishman's approach to "language-in-society" and helps to assess some recent criticism toward core notions of classical sociolinguistics that Fishman helped develop and disseminate, such as multilingualism, which is being called into question by current notions such as "English as a lingua franca" and "languaging". The very existence of translation as a social, economic and political practice suggests that societal multilingualism cannot satisfactorily be described without resorting to classical sociolinguistic concepts like "named" languages, mother tongue and domain, which are crucial to successful policies and, hence, to the maintenance of the linguistic human rights to which Fishman's work has made such essential contributions.

Abstract
This article examines the status of translation policy as it relates to public service interfaces between the dominant Spanish-speaking sectors of society and speakers of some of the many indigenous languages of Latin America. The article focuses on Mexico, Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia and Paraguay, and Peru is used as a case study based on recent first-hand research. Translation policy is inherently bound up with language policy, where the latter exists. However, there is variation from state to state as to whether language rights legislation has been passed, whether it is implemented through policy, and the extent to which translation policy is part of the legislative framework. The case of Peru illustrates the need for translation and interpreting (T&I) services following conflicts and painful human rights infringements. Across the board, T&I have hitherto been ad hoc practices, giving rise to translation policy de facto. Formalized T&I training initiatives and legislative processes are now underway in Peru, and may give rise to explicit translation policies evolving there and elsewhere in the region in the future.

A major challenge for authorities in the modern world is the linguistic integration of minorities. In this context, language policies play a key role as authorities are increasingly faced with the challenge of adjusting their language policies in order to secure the linguistic rights and thus the integration of their multilingual populations. In multilingual democracies, these language policies must include choices about the use or non-use of translation. These choices, when they are systematic, become policies of their own in terms of translation. Thus, translation policies arise in part as a consequence of language policies, and there can be no language policy without an attendant translation policy. This article sheds light on the role of translation policies as part of language policy. Specifically, it shows that translation policies can be a tool for integration and recognition or exclusion and neglect of speakers of minority languages and therefore deserve special attention. This is done by comparing the translation policies adopted in Flanders and Wales, both as applied to autochthonous linguistic minorities and allochthonous linguistic minorities. Lessons can be learned from the similarities and differences of translation policies in these two regions.

Language transformations in the course of the years may dictate the necessity of retranslations. Given the rapid change of languages, it is high time to consider retranslation of world literature masterpieces. As languages evolve, translations become dated, which explains why translations are «re-translated» so that they are updated and enriched linguistically. The translation gets old, whereas the original remains the unchanged. Translation needs to be contemporaneous in order to keep pace with the language level of the recipients of any generation. Retranslations occur mainly because of the constant development of the target language. The Albanian language has changed. It has become more open to words describing new phenomena that were missing while trying to transmit feelings, situations or events coming across in the works of greatest authors. This work will focus on an analysis of transformation of language norms, changes in orthographic rules, changes of political systems, which consist of main reasons that make the retranslation of the masterpieces a necessity. However, there are numerous debates surrounding the re-translation of literary classics.Nevertheless, the re-translation issue is complex and needs to be reviewed in several aspects.

This project engages a cultural studies approach to translation. I investigate different thematic issues, each of which underscores the underpinning force of cultural translation. Chapter 1 serves as a theoretical background to the entire work, in which I review the development of translation studies in the Anglo-American world and attempt to connect it to subject theory, cultural theory, and social critical theory. The main aim is to show how translation constitutes and mediates subject (re)formation and social justice. From the view of translation as constitutive of political and cultural processes, Chapter 2 tells the history of translation in Vietnam while critiquing Homi Bhabha's notions of cultural translation, hybridity, and ambivalence. I argue that the Vietnamese, as historical colonized subjects, have always been hybrid and ambivalent in regard to their language, culture, and identity. The specific acts of translation that the Vietnamese engaged in throughout their history show that Vietnam during French rule was a site of cultural translation in which both the colonized and the colonizer participated in the mediation and negotiation of their identities. Chapter 3 presents a shift in focus, from cultural translation in the colonial context to the postcolonial resignifications of femininity. In a culture of perpetual translation, the Vietnamese woman is constantly resignified to suite emerging political conditions. In this chapter, I examine an array of texts from different genres - poetry, fiction, and film - to criticize Judith Bulter's notion of gender performativity. A feminist politics that aims to counter the regulatory discourse of femininity, I argue, needs to attend to the powerful mechanism of resignification, not as a basis of resistance, but as a form of suppression. The traditional binary of power as essentializing and resistance as de-essentializing does not work in the Vietnamese context. Continuing the line of gender studies, Chapter 4 enunciates a specific strategy for translating Annie Proulx's Brokeback Mountain into contemporary Vietnamese culture. Based on my cultural analysis of the discursive displacement of translation and homosexuality, I propose to use domesticating translation, against Lawrence Venuti's politics of foreignizing, as a way to counter the displacement and reinstate both homosexuality and translation itself.

This book provides the first English translations of pivotal essays and debates on the role of language politics, linguistics, and translation in Antonio Gramsci's influential cultural theory. It also includes new works from leading and up-and-coming anglophone scholars to create a vital resource for a wide variety of readers interested in Gramsci across many disciplines including cultural studies, critical political economy, social and political theory, literature, sociology, post-colonialism, and philosophy.

Contemporary definitions of trauma and their application remain controversial within anthropology. A survivor's awareness of a parallel, incompatible world of atrocity is understood to bypass language or conscious expression. Such a framework can be compared with ethnographic work on the silence of survivors. Experiences of inhumanity and extreme violence eventually find a discursive niche but nevertheless pose problems of translation. Through the lens of traditional anthropology another realm emerges—a world of vampires, zombies, and cannibals. "Crimes against humanity" can be added to the list, but overall translations seem oriented toward the maintenance of interpretative control, even in contexts of mass dehumanization. Anthropologists are well placed to pay attention to both the complex evidential systems of survivors and the construction of liberal voices. The image of trauma and its untranslatability, however, linger in the background of interventions and point to the vital but endangered bond between language and humanity.

This paper is an attempt to testify with Chinese historical data that the cultural status of a language (or dialect) directly affects the translation flow, legal power of parallel texts, orientations of translators, selection of a TL temporal dialect, etc. It has been discovered that when the actual power of a language & its acknowledgement by translators contradict, the cultural positioning of translators seems more decisive. A distinction must be made between translators as a cultural collectivity & as individuals. Ideology may also interfere with language selection in translation. TL choice is often influenced by the power of a temporal dialect & its users. Varying with the context, translation for the elites may involve selection of the classical dialect or highly literal & modernizing forms. A language becomes dominant when it is considered the vehicle for advanced technology & thought. Its interaction to translation is hence dynamic. References. Adapted from the source document.